Robert Butler
07/17/2020, 8:30 PMKartik Agaram
Kartik Agaram
The Soviet experiment had run into exactly the difficulty that Plato's admirers encountered, back in the fifth century BC. The recipe called for rule by heavily-armed virtue -- or in the Leninist case, not exactly virtue, but a sort of intentionally post-ethical counterpart to it, self-righteously brutal. Wisdom was to be set where it could be ruthless. Once such a system existed, though, the qualities required to rise in it had much more to do with ruthlessness than with wisdom. Lenin's core of original Bolsheviks, and the socialists like Trotsky who joined them, were many of them highly educated people, literate in multiple European languages, learned in the scholastic traditions of Marxism; and they preserved these attributes even as they murdered and lied and tortured and terrorised. They were social scientists who thought principle required them to behave like gangsters. But their successors -- the vydvizhentsy who refilled the Central Committee in the thirties -- were not the most selfless people in Soviet society, or the most principled, or the most scrupulous. They were the most ambitious, the most domineering, the most manipulative, the most greedy, the most sycophantic. Gradually their loyalty to the ideas became more and more instrumental, more and more a matter of what the ideas would let them grip with their two hands.
In a way, the surprise is that Bolshevik idealism lasted as long as it did. Stalin took his philosophical obligations entirely seriously. The time he spent in his Kremlin library was time spent reading. He held forth on linguistics, and genetics, and economics, and the proper writing of history, because he believed that intellectual decision-making was the duty of power. His associates, too, tended to possess treasured collections of Marxist literature. It was one of Molotov's complaints, after Stalin's death, that by sending him off to be ambassador of Outer Mongolia, Khrushchev had parted him from his books. And Khrushchev, in his turn, tried his best to talk like the great theoretician one magically became by elbowing and conniving one's way to the First Secretaryship. It came even less easily to him, but the transition to utopia by 1980 was all his own work. He was not a cynic. The idea that he might be committing an imposture bothered him deeply.
Stalin had been a gangster who really believed he was a social scientist. Khrushchev was a gangster who hoped he was a social scientist. But the moment was drawing closer when the idealism would rot away by one more degree, and the Soviet Union would be governed by gangsters who were only pretending to be social scientists.
Kartik Agaram
Kartik Agaram
Robert Butler
07/17/2020, 9:40 PMRobert Butler
07/17/2020, 10:13 PMRobert Butler
07/17/2020, 10:14 PMAleks
07/17/2020, 10:25 PMAleks
07/17/2020, 10:34 PMRobert Butler
07/17/2020, 10:52 PMRobert Butler
07/17/2020, 10:54 PMS.M Mukarram Nainar
07/17/2020, 11:00 PMS.M Mukarram Nainar
07/17/2020, 11:20 PMRobert Butler
07/18/2020, 12:43 AMRobert Butler
07/18/2020, 12:47 AMRobert Butler
07/18/2020, 12:50 AMKartik Agaram
Kartik Agaram
The idea behind your proposed system is interesting, but it is doomed to fail without extremely high median information hygeine, which as of 2020 looks like a fantasy among the general public.My thought experiment is certainly a caricature, and I certainly don't expect anything in its vicinity to happen in the third millennium AD. But I don't think the bottlenecking problem is bad information. This fake news stuff is a short-term issue, IMO. No, the real problem is not asymmetric information but asymmetric capacity for critical thinking. A population that can perform simple probabilistic reasoning, detect statistical fallacies, read someone else's codebase, that's the hard problem here. (I can do none of those things.) I think Alan Kay might agree. --- I really liked your example about the state space. See http://akkartik.name/post/modularity for a similar thing I wrote. But yeah, your diagnosis is right that I build simple systems in hopes of avoiding all the hard bits of the state space. Yes, there may be monopolies in spite of everything I do. But hopefully they need to create a lot more value before they can pass that threshold. Some programs may still have to deal with really large state spaces. But if we monitor state space size hopefully we can eliminate over-engineering and be parsimonious about such state-space explosion.
tj
07/18/2020, 3:04 AMKartik Agaram
Kartik Agaram
tj
07/18/2020, 3:16 AMS.M Mukarram Nainar
07/18/2020, 5:47 AMS.M Mukarram Nainar
07/18/2020, 6:49 AMKonrad Hinsen
07/18/2020, 6:59 AMJack Rusher
07/18/2020, 11:00 AMS.M Mukarram Nainar
07/19/2020, 12:00 AMS.M Mukarram Nainar
07/19/2020, 12:01 AMJack Rusher
07/19/2020, 6:34 AMJack Rusher
07/19/2020, 6:35 AMGarth Goldwater
07/19/2020, 6:34 PM